Just War and International Order
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One of these, John B. Pope Francis appears to occupy a middle ground in this debate. In a statement for the World Day of Peace this past Jan. In other words: not just one or the other — nonviolence or just war — but both. An asymmetrical war is one in which one side uses conventional military means while the other side relies on things like guerrilla warfare or terrorism. Against this background, just-war doctrine offers principles for weighing decisions about whether to go to war and how war should — and should not — be fought.
The aim is to prevent war if possible and limit it if it must be fought. Scholars trace the origins of the doctrine to St. Augustine, the fourth- and fifth-century bishop and theologian whose ideas have played a crucial role in shaping Western thought.
Thomas Aquinas in the 13th century significantly developed the doctrine. Thomas Aquinas, the 13th-century Dominican theologian whose profound influence on Catholic thought continues to the present day, discusses just war in his theological masterwork the Summa Theologica. As is his custom, Thomas proceeds by stating and responding to various objections to the point he wishes to make. The following, from article 1. Here, St. Over the centuries just-war thinking was further elaborated by Christian thinkers. It may not have prevented many wars, but it did set limits.
Just War Theory
Although Vatican II stops just short of condemning the stockpiling of weapons as a deterrent, it rejects the idea that an arms race is the way to peace. On the contrary, the council said:. In the long run, the council insists, the goal should be the outlawing of all war by international agreements. Opposition to just war doctrine today comes from two radically different points on the moral compass: pacifism and so-called realism — the idea that national leaders should do whatever it takes to prevail in conflicts.
By contrast just-war doctrine treads a difficult path between the extremes. Its critics doubt whether the middle route can be found and see just war as an obstacle to a better solution.
The gathering was sponsored by the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, the Catholic peace organization Pax Christi International and several other Church-related groups. Here in part is what they said:. How is it possible to move from these presumptions to the idea of a justifiable use of lethal force? War arose from disordered ambitions, but it could also be used, in some cases at least, to restrain evil and protect the innocent.
In the 20th century, papal teaching has used the logic of Augustine and Aquinas to articulate a right of self-defense for states in a decentralized international order and to state the criteria for exercising that right. In an article reflecting on the conference, published in June in the Catholic biweekly Commonweal, Gerald W. Schlabach, a theology professor at the University of St.
Just War Theory - International Relations - Oxford Bibliographies
Not surprisingly, the doctrine is involved in ongoing debates on several questions relating to war today. For example: Is preemptive war — war launched by one side to forestall an anticipated attack by an enemy — ever justified?
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Preemption was the rationale for the war launched by a U. Unfortunately, the outcome illustrated the large, potential problem with preemptive war — the invading forces failed to find any Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. The Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein nevertheless collapsed. The United States has been busy ever since trying to prop up a shaky democratic successor regime, while recent events in Iraq continue to contribute to the destabilization of the Middle East. Up to now, the only use of these weapons in war occurred in August when the U.
Like War, Peace Emerges from a Context
Defenders of the bombing say it hastened the end of the war — Japan surrendered six days after the second attack — and saved many lives. But at least , people, many of them noncombatants, died immediately in the two attacks, moving critics to say the bombing violated the just-war principle of noncombatant immunity.
Nuclear deterrence was a staple of big power policy during the Cold War years.
The idea was that the United States and the Soviet Union — and eventually other nuclear powers — would respond to a nuclear attack or an overwhelming attack by conventional arms by an equally or even more debilitating nuclear attack on the attacker. Deterrence is credited with preserving a fragile nuclear peace ever since , although it is generally believed that the United States and the USSR came close to a nuclear exchange at the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis and perhaps on other occasions.
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From a just-war perspective, nuclear pacifists fault deterrence on the grounds that, even if these weapons targeted military sites, their destructive power is so immense that large numbers of noncombatants would inevitably be killed even in a limited exchange, while such an exchange might itself lead to all-out nuclear war.
The problem appears to be that tethering the critique of the progressivist narrative to Walzer and a few other, more marginal figures distorts the internal complexity of the current discussion. While Just and Unjust Wars has since its publication achieved the status of a classic, Walzer does not really pretend to be a historian of political thought with regard to the ethics of warfare although he is sometimes wrongly read as one.
Authors like James Turner Johnson have delivered much more reliable accounts of the Thomist sources of just war thinking. Today, just war thinking encompasses both historically oriented approaches, which couch the ethical reflection on war in terms of an ongoing dialogue between past and present ideas, and analytical philosophical accounts, which seek to establish the veracity of their claims mainly through thought experiments.
This point is vital, I think, because it allows us to add yet another twist to the story Whyte is so powerfully telling: analytical philosophical accounts within just war theory are predicated on a moral objectivism that frequently engenders a veritable flight from public debate. Think what you want about his specific statements, some of which have recently caused scandals among the American left, but Walzer always appears driven by an anxiety to prove how his theorizing practically matters. Revisionists, by contrast, are primarily concerned with truth claims whose political valence is far less obvious.
Is their retreat into the academic realm to be welcomed? I consider this a rather big question because it touches upon an issue that historians frequently encounter when they grapple with morally and politically salient topics. The objection could thus be that the history of just war thinking is simply irrelevant for our current predicament: what actually matters is what we should do with it right now.
If a sober look reveals that the language of just war has in the past been used for emancipatory as well as for imperialist purposes, what lessons should be drawn for the present moment? Here is one way we could reach for such an answer: by heuristically distinguishing between a counter-history and a genealogy. Jacob T. New York: Basic Books, , The index of Just and Unjust War contains no entry on colonialism, but there are at least four passages where Walzer talks about it. See: Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars , 94, , , Michel Foucault is the most notable proponent of this latter view.
Also in this issue are essays on the Cold War history of human rights, humanitarian governance, human rights and population control, and the visual politics of maternal mortality.