Angelic Wisdom concerning the Divine (Hyperlinked Works of Emanuel Swedenborg Book 24)
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Some gnostic documents were rediscovered in the first half of the twentieth century. Williams; in: James M. Schoedel; in: James M. There is an injunction not to release that text to many. He mentions another secret book which Jesus revealed to him. The surviving text is slightly corrupted. They are not the only books, since the other Apostles wrote books, too. The section describes the survival of the soul after death. From the Valentinians Gnostics we know, through Irenaeus, of a ritual during which they gave this knowledge to initiates. Further, the section explains that Powers ask the deceased person questions.
These questions, and their right answers, were also imparted in the Valentinian ritual.
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It is one of the secret knowledge teachings of Jesus. Thomassen analyses very carefully that the James text was not written by a person with Valentinian affiliations. That means, that the secret teaching was reported independent of any Valentinian lineage, as coming from Jesus, given to his brother James cf. The scenario that Thomassen develops, that the compiler of James got ahold of a Valentinian text and recast it, is entirely speculative not based on evidence and should therefore not be used to form conclusions. Thomassen points this out himself, saying that the James text under review here is clearly not Valentinian p.
According to these texts, Jesus knew beforehand that the Jews would kill him through the Roman court system. Taken together with the proof os his secret teachings and his arrangement of books being created, this allows only one conclusion, namely that Jesus arranged during his lifetime for his secret knowledge to be transmitted so that it would eventually become known. This book follows up on that evidenced assumption. As such, it is not unique, but matches with other spiritual science systems, such as Buddhism. Stefan Grossmann, Hanau July 12, The other night there was a shipwreck out by the rocks.
Byzantine philosophy is a motley palimpsest of what was great or what otherwise survived. Dreams scramble similarly Freud. At last, however, he had a change of heart. So, at dawn one morning, he rose, and he, George Gemistos Plethon, stepped out of his cave and into the sun. The ancient texts through the classical and Hellenistic periods have been thoroughly inventoried, studied, edited and written about by classical scholars for centuries.
It is unlikely that anything groundbreaking will still come to light in this field, based on the existing sources. There is still much uncharted ground, however, concerning the philosophy during the Byzantine millenn- ium. There is a new emergent discipline that is styled, Byzantine philosophy. The time period of Byzantine philosophy corresponds to the Middle Ages; but Byzantine philosophy is distinctly different from the medieval philosophy that formed to the west of Byzantium in Europe, such as, Scholasticism.
Dealing with Byzantine philosophy is, today, an undertaking of explorative nature. At the end of the Byzantine millennium, during the Renaissance age, stands a philosophical giant, George Gemistos Plethon, a Platonist, and perhaps of similar stature as Plato. As of recent, we are provided with good information about Plethon, through the works of Woodhouse, Siniossoglou, Hladek, and a number of other 3 researchers who have compiled the disparate sources into a picture that has come into a good and clear focus.
That is not to say, however, that all questions about the elusive and mysterious thinker, Plethon, have been answered. In fact, the work has enabled us to start asking informed questions, and to depart from foundational work and to move to the fine points and to make sense of some mighty strange words of Pletho. Since finishing a book size framework analysis of Byzantine philosophy in late , I have had on my mind a profile of the most salient strangenesses in the body of Byzantine philosophy. Initially, not much of it really made sense. More and more, however, the strange features of Byzantine philosophy have fallen in place into structures of understanding.
For example, strings of arguments can be presented why a major philosopher standing at the end of Byzantine philosophical developments, would generate writings of the very strangeness that we find in Plethon. In other words, Plethon summarized the major achievements of Byzantine philosophy. He was the first, actually, to have a privileged perch point enabling him to do so; and he did very well. In particular, I mean that the major achievements of a long philosophical development are of methodical nature.
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The key issue summed up in Plethon is the Byzantine philosophical method, the method of Byzantine receptions. A premise behind Byzantine receptivity is that man is not an independent and self-reliant being Nikos G. I wish to show that the story of Plethon being a latter day pagan is a misunderstanding. Plethon makes extensive use of allegorical figures from ancient myth.
That does not make Plethon a mythographer, and does not make him a pagan. There were other reasons in the Greek Middle Ages to deal with the pagan gods. The Byzantine philosophical method is perfectly well known to students of the Byzantine Orthodox Christian faith; but it is identified as a religious dogma, not as a philosophical method. The method is the method of the essences and the energies, otherwise known as the dogma not: method of same.
To explain this insight, requires to go into a number of issues, such as the origins of philosophy from myth. The origins of philosophy from myth, when reversed, explain the path of philosophy into mythological forms that we find in Plethon. The mythological forms are, to use a concept of Erwin Panofsky, iconological markers.
They stand for essences and energies tacitly replacing the Platonic forms in Byzantine Christian philosophy , but not for polytheistic gods in the ancient pagan sense. Philosophy as we know it, in the west and in the east, is structured by concepts. Concepts are used to write down the philosophy; they provide the traditional notation of philosophy.
Philosophy in that sense was not always with us, but was created during the early centuries of ancient Greek history.
Plethon returns back to the beginnings, which we may call Homeric, and goes back before the concepts. Plethon investigates, like a historian, the exploratory movement backwards in time from the logos to the mythos. In doing so, when we follow Plethon, we step out of the conceptual into the pre-conceptual.
That is where concepts end, and allegories must stand in.
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I suggest that the subject matter of Plethon is the pre-conceptual basis of Greek philosophy. Plethon is the apex of Greek philosophy by exposing the path to the pre-conceptual origins as a method that is philosophical. He thus picks up on long-evolved symbols, not concepts, that enable us to identify essences and energies of which the Byzantine tradition so prominently speaks.
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In Pletho, these symbols are brought from religion, that is, Byzantine Orthodox Christianity within its very own Hellenic cultural setting, into philosophy as operable instruments. That is the ending point of major Byzantine philosophical development.
They evolved along the wayside of the Byzantine millennium, eventually to power the Renaissance. This is indeed a hidden strand of tradition that Niketas Sianiossoglou postulates, contradicted by Vojtech Hladky. The cultural transmission line is by no means a tradition of paganism, however. I would like to develop this and some other quite hidden aspects in the following presentation.
I developed these ideas while dealing with literature that I mention at the end of the text. In the apparatus at the end below, I also include updates and addenda for my framework analysis.